From the moment he entered the White House, U.S. President Donald Trump has not stopped surprising, and perhaps even disappointing, those who expected the new president to readily toe the traditional American policy line and meekly acquiesce to the dictates of senior state and defense department officials in Washington. Over the weekend, Trump signed an executive order restricting immigration from seven war-torn countries which have ceased to function properly: Syria, Libya, Iraq, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen -- to which Trump also added Iran. Many of the terrorists who perpetrated attacks in recent years across Europe and Turkey, even the United States, came from these countries. The executive order has been described by his rivals and critics as discriminatory against Muslims, no matter their background, but the facts say otherwise. The order does not restrict entry to visitors from allied Muslim and Arab countries, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia or even Turkey. The order, therefore, is a precise measure aimed at preventing the unsupervised entry of immigrants from countries where radical Islamist terrorist groups have established a massive presence or even control, and have unfortunately garnered influence and support among the local populations. Even those European leaders who have rushed to condemn Trump are considering similar measures, as they seek a balance between their desire to help the millions of refugees fleeing the battle zones -- many of whom were expelled from their homes by tyrants or a warring party -- and recognizing that alongside the untenable social and economic burden posed by the waves of refugees, these waves have included supporters or potential supporters of terrorist groups operating in the countries from whence these refugees arrive. One can, of course, feel a sense of discomfort over Trump's comments that priority would be given to Christian asylum seekers from these countries, because in his view the Christian minority is persecuted in the Middle East or, as Trump said, the terrorists "were chopping off the heads of everybody, but more so the Christians, so we are going to help them." One must admit, however, that unlike Muslim asylum seekers from these disintegrating states, who are able to find refuge throughout an Arab world that is entirely Muslim, the Christians in the Middle East are a disappearing minority in undeniable danger. Trump is also considering establishing safe zones in Syria, something his predecessor, former U.S. President Barack Obama, should have done six years ago at the onset of the crisis. Now, Trump plans to draw red lines for Syrian President Bashar Assad and Russian President Vladimir Putin, while increasing American involvement in the country. Methodical action to preserve these red lines could bring about dramatic results at a low cost. To be sure, Assad and Putin are much weaker than they appear; which is why they will blink first. Such a development will restore American prestige among its allies and will allow it to play an active role in the Syrian arena, and mainly to be a partner, alongside Putin, in finding a resolution that will satisfy its own interests and those of its allies -- not just the interests of Russia and Iran. Additionally, Trump is weighing the option of slashing American funding for U.N. organizations that act in complete contradiction of American policy. On the Palestinian front, the work of numerous such organizations has delayed finding a resolution to the conflict. One such example is the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, whose entire reason for existence is to protect a bloated mechanism of clerks and job title holders, while perpetuating the refugee problem under the guise of trying to solve it. These first steps signal an intention to stay ahead of events, to dictate the global and regional agenda according to the new president's worldview. They fly in the face of prognostications that Trump would be passive and focus strictly on domestic issues. Quite the opposite has been true: Trump has indicated a desire to change course and undo the paralysis that has gripped the United States on several key issues over the past decade, and this too is for the best.
Trump signals a direction
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פרופ' אייל זיסר הוא מומחה למזה"ת ואפריקה וסגן הרקטור באוניברסיטת תל אביב
