It doesn't matter that the coalition will not have a single representative on the Judicial Selection Committee. Knesset members reneged on a deal with the coalition chairman in a secret ballot on Monday, and instead of MK David Rotem from Yisrael Beytenu, Yitzhak Cohen of Shas was selected to sit on the committee. Cohen is very nice, balanced and attentive. It also doesn't matter that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will not be able to fulfill his promise to former Likud minister Moshe Kahlon and appoint him to head the Israel Land Administration. The only thing that really matters is that the coalition is currently unable to honor its commitments and promises, and this is happening right at the start of its term. The loss of control that usually happens in the third year of a government's term is already happening only three months after the coalition was assembled. Coalition Chairman MK Yariv Levin (Likud) was faced with utter helplessness this week and argued that he could not chair the coalition like this. This is not the way to build a strong government. After all, every snot-nosed politician knows that breaching the coalition's trust and turning their backs on Rotem will result in a "price-tag" retribution that Yisrael Beytenu Chairman Avigdor Lieberman will exact on his partners. The deals signed when the coalition was assembled are full of holes with various promises. What was done to Rotem will not go unnoticed. Excuse me for making this comparison, but this political battle is somewhat reminiscent of a war between crime families -- anytime someone is murdered, there has to be a retaliatory murder just to remain on the map and prevent the defection of foot soldiers. It is safe to assume that Levin envies his predecessor, Zeev Elkin. As coalition chairman, Elkin had a calm term, four years without any major threat of collapse. Elkin knew full well what awaited his successor, the coalition chairman in the 19th Knesset, and before stepping down he made sure to tell anyone who would listen that he would rather be a back-row MK than continue to serve as coalition chairman. He knew what he was saying -- he had seen the results of the elections. Levin's remarks were in reference to the mounting tension among the coalition partners. Every reasonable, legitimate disagreement raises the coalition parties' blood pressure as though an aneurism is coming. Everything is on the verge of blowing. The handling of the equality of burden issue was just a well-orchestrated exercise in public relations, but the moment Finance Minister Yair Lapid really got mad, he immediately pulled out the big gun, the one reserved for real crises -- the threat of withdrawing from the coalition (and possibly instigating its collapse). It is comparable to a situation where every clash in every remote location prompts a superpower to threaten to use nuclear weapons. In inner-coalition disagreements there are accepted rules of engagement. It is best if no one skips over them en route to the all-encompassing disagreements with the opposition. That is apparently what Levin meant. But that is just the shell, not the core of the burgeoning crisis in the coalition, so early in its term. The shell is beginning to crack because the ruling party, Likud, is in constant conflict with itself. If the party was more unified, Levin could have successfully imposed his will on Lieberman, Lapid and Habayit Hayehudi Chairman Naftali Bennett. Levin's humiliation is accompanied by schedules and timetables. The ruling party cannot conduct itself only when required to by court order. It cannot be that five months before the municipal elections, the ruling party has no candidates in Tel Aviv or Jerusalem, and in Haifa, the local Likud chapter is relying on an agreement with an independent list headed by former police commander Yaakov Borovsky. It cannot be that the outgoing director-general of the party is not going out, and that the incoming director-general is not coming in. It cannot be that the only reason Likud institutions are being elected is because the party is being compelled to hold elections by the law. Without vigorous Likud involvement in the municipal elections, the party will not have any activists to work the next Knesset election. How many times can Likud flaunt the great success of Netanya's Likud Mayor Miriam Fireberg- There is a newfound complacency in the party. Likud lacks the parliamentary fighting spirit. Some Likud members support moderate rabbi David Stav for the post of chief rabbi. But anyone who was present at the faction's latest meeting got the impression that the prime minister actually supports rabbi David Lau for the post. Either way, the ruling party needs to navigate. For that to happen, Likud must let the public know what it wants, rather than whispering it into its own sleeve. Likud also has no presence in the general arena. Interior Minister Gideon Sa'ar was not given the opportunity to reap the fruits of the seeds he had sewn in the Education Ministry in the last government; Energy and Water Resources Minister Silvan Shalom is promising layoffs and streamlining of the Israel Electric Corporation, but who dares go up against the all-powerful electric company-; Transportation Minister Yisrael Katz is currently enjoying the success of his "open skies" agreement, but the waters are treacherous at the ports and the waves are threatening to engulf him; Even Defense Minister Moshe (Bogie) Ya'alon, who was seen as a powerhouse in the Likud and who enjoys the support of the haredi parties from the opposition, is in danger of falling into a confrontation over the recent cuts made to the defense budget. This situation is troublesome. It gave rise to rumors that Kahlon is thinking of quitting Likud and striking out on his own. It has gone too far. Now they are even talking about Netanyahu entertaining the notion of following in the footsteps of former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. In my assessment, the crisis is a direct by-product of Likud's clinging to Yisrael Beytenu and Lieberman. Netanyahu feels differently. Either way, if Likud wants to maintain its status as the leading party in Israel, it needs a serious overhaul. Not just a tune-up. It needs to tear everything down and build anew from scratch.
