For nearly a year, Israel has been dealing with internal politics, leaving important matters untouched. Israel sank into interparty squabbles and then watched as a new government was stitched together. The process was unlike any seen here before. The new government must now put aside political disputes, conspiracies and intrigues in order to deal with issues of national importance. The government stands at a junction from which three paths diverge. These paths must somehow be woven into one. In the two main speeches that opened Monday's Knesset session, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Labor Chairwoman Shelly Yachimovich bypassed the major potholes. Netanyahu talked about the strength of the Israeli economy, without even a hint of how he intends to treat its ills. Raising taxes? Cutting public services? Lowering the standard of living? Reducing defense spending? Nothing of this kind was mentioned. The same went for Yachimovich. So what if government officials hold capitalist world views and Science and Technology Minister Yaakov Peri is wealthy? Yachimovich must answer how Israel can avoid the economic fate of its neighbor Cyprus. Her socialist doctrine provides no better remedies than Netanyahu's neoliberal doctrine. Also in the diplomatic arena (where the new government will face its first test), no answers were given. U.S. President Barack Obama and his Secretary of State John Kerry will arrive this week. The European Union will make increasing demands. The pressure within Israel's governing coalition will rise. What will Israel be able to offer? If Netanyahu expressed his willingness on Monday for a far-reaching historic compromise with the Palestinians without saying "two states for two peoples," it means he is saving those words for Obama. What will follow that? MK Avigdor Lieberman on Monday painted a realistic picture in which there is no Palestinian partner with whom to negotiate. But it isn't wise to throw around hopelessness like it's sand. The world will think Israel enjoys playing in this sandbox. The third path is one on which Israel can make decisions independently, regardless of the global economic situation or the willingness of the Palestinians to make peace. There are many phrases to describe this path, such as "equal distribution of the national burden," "core studies in schools" and "raising the electoral threshold." But this path also has a price. Excluding the haredim from the political arena starkly contradicts the just demand of secular and national-religious Israelis that the haredim enlist in the Israel Defense Forces or do national service. Those who are compelled to participate [in sharing the national burden], will revolt when they are excluded [from politics]. Therefore, the move of the haredim to the opposition, a welcome step in and of itself, cannot and does not need to be prolonged. The changes that required the haredim to remain outside the government must be implemented relatively quickly, as it won't be possible to keep the haredim away from the udder of the national coffers for a long period of time. The haredim will want to return quickly. Until then, the new government will have a historic opportunity to make dramatic changes in the country. But the government will not be able to only go down one path at a time. Reality will force it to go down all of them at the same time. This will be unbearable. But if the government succeeds, it will be remembered gloriously in Israel's history books.
