Erdogan's true revolution | היום

"ישראל היום" הוא גוף תקשורת שנוסד מתוך האמונה שהציבור הישראלי ראוי לעיתונות טובה יותר, מאוזנת יותר ומדויקת יותר. עיתונות שמדברת ולא צועקת. עיתונות אמינה, אובייקטיבית ועניינית. עיתונות אחרת וללא תשלום. המהדורה המודפסת הראשונה פורסמה ב-30 ביולי 2007, וב-2010 הפך "ישראל היום" לעיתון הישראלי בעל שיעור החשיפה הגבוה ביותר בימי חול. מו"ל העיתון היא ד"ר מרים אדלסון. העורך הראשי הוא עמר לחמנוביץ, והעורך המייסד הוא עמוס רגב. אתרי האינטרנט של "ישראל היום" בעברית ובאנגלית, כמו כן היישומונים (אפליקציות) לאנדרואיד ול-iOS, מציגים חדשות מסביב לשעון, תוכן בלעדי, מבזקים ועדכונים, ניתוחים ופרשנויות, וידיאו, פודקאסטים ושידורים חיים. פלטפורמות הדיגיטל של "ישראל היום" כוללות ערוצי חדשות ודעות, תרבות ובידור, לייף סטייל, טכנולוגיה, ספורט, כלכלה וצרכנות, בריאות, חיילים, אוכל, יהדות, תיירות ורכב. ב-2021 עלו לאוויר האתר החדש והיישומון החדש של "ישראל היום" בעברית, במטרה לספק לגולשים חוויה מהירה, עדכנית, בטוחה ונוחה. תכני המהדורה המודפסת של העיתון זמינים גם באתר, במהדורה יומית מקוונת, ואפשר לקבל אותם גם בניוזלטר. מועדון ההטבות הייחודי "הקליקה של ישראל היום" מציע לגולשי האתר הנחות ומבצעים על מוצרים ושירותים. ישראל היום פתוח להערות, לביקורת ולהצעות לשיפור מקהל הקוראים. פנו אלינו במייל hayom@israelhayom.co.il.

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Erdogan's true revolution

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Contrary to popular belief, the revolution in Turkey is not a failure and is not over and done with, but rather continuing in full force, every day, breaking new records on its path to change the face of Turkey at its foundation and burn the bridges that connect it to the past to the ground.

No, this is not about the failed performance we witnessed over a week ago, where a small group of soldiers and officers -- whose identities have not yet been revealed, or for that matter, their aims or those backing them and leading them -- tried to take control of the country. The attempt was such a failure and so amateur that there are those within Turkey and outside Turkey who are convinced this was a performance staged by Erdogan and his people. The fact that the Turkish government has yet to publicize a clear and transparent account of the attempted coup, and continues to shoot in every which direction, bolsters those who believe this to be a conspiracy.

The revolution transpiring in Turkey these days is a different kind of revolution, a revolution orchestrated by Erdogan, who has learned to take advantage of the opportunity he has happened upon to deal a devastating and possibly fatal blow to those who oppose him on his path to realizing the goals he has aspired to for years: reconnecting Turkey to its Muslim and Ottoman roots and erasing the legacy of the founder of the Turkish republic, Kemal Ataturk, and more importantly, his secular ideology.

Another important stage in attaining this goal, and as such an important step in establishing Erdogan's new sultanate, is of course securing his position and eliminating any basis for political opposition that might stand in his way. In every Turkish election in the last decade, the decade of Erdogan, the Turkish voter has handed him and his party victory, a clear reflection of the vast support he enjoys among the Turkish public. But these were relative victories, and by no means an absolute majority. On the contrary, time and time again, most of the Turkish population has been shown to oppose Erdogan's method, or has at least preferred not to give him their vote. Things reached their peak in the last two election cycles that were held last year, during which the president's party failed to get the majority needed to enact changes in the Turkish constitution to consolidate Erdogan's authority and fortify his rule.

But as in other examples in history, when Erdogan grew tired of taking the democratic route to win the majority necessary to make the changes he wanted, he took advantage of the opportunity provided to him last week, striking while the iron was hot. The Turkish parliament declared a state of emergency, and thus provided the necessary background for the show Erdogan had started. With his supporters taking to the streets in throngs, against a neutered army and an exhausted, broken and divided opposition, and most importantly, before a scared and paralyzed Turkish public, Erdogan is now initiating his own revolution, the likes of which has never before been seen in Turkey .

One after another, he takes over the strongholds of power and influence in the country, beginning with the media, moving on to the academia and the education and legal systems, and ending with the police and the military. Tens of thousands of those who oppose him, and in our case, might criticize the steps he has taken, have been removed from their posts. Thousands of others have been arrested.

Erdogan's charisma has relied on his success at stabilizing the volatile political system and creating unprecedented economic prosperity in Turkey. He has also learned to enlist support by focusing the public's attention on external enemies, at one point Israel, at other times Russia, at one point the Kurds, and now the American government, which Erdogan accuses of providing refuge to Imam Fethullah Gulen, who according to Erdogan is behind the coup attempt. In recent years, it seemed he had lost his touch, and more and more Turks were growing tired of Erdogan. That is, until the miracle on the Bosporus happened for him.

Although no one would now dare open their mouths to say it, many Turks fear that the more Erdogan fortifies his regime, the more he will weaken the Turkish country and undermine its foundations. But only time will tell if the revolution Erdogan is starting in Turkey will be irreversible, as those who oppose him fear.

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