In the hierarchy of our country's priorities, the social justice protest rose to the top of the pyramid Saturday night. The movement's obvious success may accelerate the toppling of another pyramid, our economic pyramid, which is the image most often used to describe the domination and severe distortion of our economy by a handful of tycoons. Ordinary, decent people don't know exactly what they're demanding, except that they have a basic and well-warranted feeling that something fundamental has to change. If Communications Minister Moshe Kahlon and Education Minister Gideon Sa'ar end up representing the government, there is a chance it will finally prick up its ears. There is an indication that it will eventually listen. But if the government is merely mouthing public relations slogans while intending to carry on business as usual, with committees who change their minds and drag their feet, then the protest will grow bigger and stronger. You can count on it. It's a good thing that the government ignored some of the protesters and passed the national housing committee law in the Knesset. Still, we need to see real home construction beginning within a short period of time. A reasonable percentage of new apartments must be discounted and set aside for young couples and those who have completed military or national service. Once he lowers indirect taxes, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu should not raise direct taxes but rather do what he did as finance minister six or seven years ago, and cut allowances to the parasitical ultra-Orthodox and Arab populations. The protest movement is a marked success because it has brought increasing numbers of citizens into the streets. The demonstration of 300,000 Saturday night was impressive, incorporating elements of a grass-roots street festival. But even its leaders know that success has limits. Even if there is no reason for future demonstrators to stay at home, protest leaders may not want to test their success yet another, fourth time. While this is true, the government for its part would be wrong to conduct a war of attrition against the social justice movement. The committee of ministers and experts will be put together today, and it must try to engage in dialogue with the people who crammed the streets. If the crowds refuse to talk to the government, the government must redouble its efforts. As things stand, the ball is in the government's court. The social justice movement has left a lot of questions hanging in the air. Before Saturday night's demonstration, one vehement supporter, a man in his 40s from Tel Aviv who makes a good living, told me that Israel's more seasoned analysts are missing the whole point. Yes, the discussion is about the prices of housing and cottage cheese and tax reform, but most importantly it is about changing the whole tenor of public discourse. The young people speak in lofty terms about changing our language, about a spiritual earthquake. But if the social protest turns into boiling lava, flowing everywhere without us knowing how the earth will look afterward, then we may all end up being very sorry in the end. In the earliest hours of Sunday morning, it seemed that the government and the social protest still had room left for dialogue.
