The results of today's Israel Hayom survey can be read in two ways: On the one hand, an overwhelming majority of Israelis clearly support the government's policy on Iran and want their leader to continue conducting that policy in the same vein. On the other hand, it seems that the average Israeli -- regardless of age, status, education or gender -- has a grievance with the U.S. on this issue. By implication, we no longer trust the U.S., and that is cause for alarm. Until recently, many Israelis were receptive to Shimon Peres' view that we can rely on the United States to stop Iran from going nuclear. But this optimism is in retreat, as evidenced by John Kerry and Wendy Sherman's briefing to the Senate Banking Committee that one shouldn't believe Israel when it comes to Iran. The disagreement between Washington and Jerusalem has to do with intelligence assessments and sizing up Iran's intentions. On Thursday evening, Obama advisor Ben Rhodes told Channel 2 TV that if Iran fails to uphold its commitments, the sanctions can always be reintroduced. This is what the average Israeli isn't buying. We don't believe that if sanctions are lifted, even partially, they can be put back in place when necessary. But these discussions are not Israel's real bone of contention with the administration. Rather, Israel has a philosophical disagreement with the opinions expressed by the columnist whose views are closest to those of Barack Obama and who is also his personal friend, Thomas L. Friedman. Columnist Boaz Bismuth has closely analyzed Friedman's recent column "What about U.S.-" in this newspaper. The headline is significant, because the word "us" means "us" as well as the United States. The idea is to make a distinction between American interests and those of its allies. The White House does not disagree with Israel's assessments. But Friedman explains that what troubles the Jewish state is not necessarily what troubles the U.S. This is not an uncharacteristic point of view. America started out as a country seeking to separate from the Old World (George Washington) and was always slow to return to the international arena (James Monroe and Teddy Roosevelt). Americans adored Charles Lindbergh, the ocean-traversing pilot who preached reaching a compromise with Nazi Germany. Friedman, who is expressing the White House's attitude, is channeling President Calvin Coolidge, who once said, "the business of America is business." America wants to return to Persia's rich markets and bazaars. The nuclear bomb threatening Israel, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the Gulf States is only slightly interesting, if at all. But even by Friedman's own logic, he is mistaken. Anwar Sadat banished Russian experts from Egypt in 1972, but today Cairo's generals are once again setting their sights on Vladimir Putin. Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States are also wondering who will stand by them when the Persian Empire begins its imperialist expansion. Their feelings of disconnection and suspicion toward the United States are not only bad for them and for Israel, but for America itself. Friedman doesn't get it. Neither do Kerry or Obama.
