After hard work, Knesset takes a break

The Knesset is now on recess until after the High Holy Days and the government can be satisfied with the results of its work so far. The government didn't suffer any stinging defeats. The members of the mosaic coalition behaved relatively reasonably. Three of the partners -- Yesh Atid, Yisrael Beytenu and Hatnuah -- displayed internal discipline [for the most part] and complied with the instructions of the prime minister. This is bad, perhaps, for the Knesset, but good for the rulers.

Most of the bills the government promoted during this past session were passed by a large majority.

There were some irregularities that could have happened only in Israel. Likud ignored Moshe Feiglin's ongoing revolt, as well as the puzzling statements of Deputy Defense Minister Danny Danon, who is part of the government but sounds more like someone sitting on the opposition benches. In Israel, anything goes.

A majority of Likud and all of Yesh Atid and Habayit Hayehudi supported Rabbi David Stav's failed bid to become chief Ashkenazi rabbi. Shas supported Stav's opponent, Rabbi David Lau, as did Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. So who won? The coalition? The opposition? A hybrid-

The same went for the equality of burden bill, which Likud supported as if it were forced to. Yesh Atid lost its passion for the issue and even in Labor there were some who didn't favor the bill. And is it really an accomplishment that the haredim will start being drafted only in 2020? That's so far away, it's beyond the raging Sambation River.

There are still other important issues that will face the Knesset when it reconvenes in October. How long will military and national service veterans have to wait for Yariv Levin's bill, which will grant them benefits to mitigate the disadvantages they face vis-à-vis young haredim and Arabs who didn't serve, to be passed? (The bill was toned down, justifiably). Why does Levin want to ruin the logical national referendum bill -- which will allow the people to democratically determine the fate of the Jewish state -- by applying it to areas that are not under Israeli sovereignty [i.e., Judea and Samaria]? And why did the initiators of the electoral reform bill (a Yair Lapid and Avigdor Lieberman co-production), which contains important elements to bolster government stability, also cause the existence of Arab parties in the Knesset to become endangered?

Despite this, very few grievances were aired by coalition members. Likud MK Reuven Rivlin voted against raising the electoral threshold. Yesh Atid MK Adi Kol dared to defy her party chairman and abstained, but later apologized (quite embarrassingly). Likud MK Yuli Edelstein abstained, but this was due to his interests as Knesset speaker. The bottom line, however, is that fools who don't want Arabs in the Knesset need to be rehabilitated.

The timing of the recess is convenient for the government. Real negotiations with the Palestinians have gotten underway and the Knesset won't be able to interfere. The Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee may remain on watch, like a hospital during the weekend, but parliamentary oversight will slacken with each passing week, something lamented by the right side of the coalition and the left side of the opposition.

The supervisory mechanisms are on break and the government can take advantage of the time to repair the world, or vice versa, with almost a free hand.

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