This week will go down in Knesset history as one in which the structure of government underwent a transformation. After this week, the government won't look as it did before. The most important of the proposals being dealt with is one that appeared out of nowhere and at first seemed merely theoretical -- that if Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reaches a peace deal with the Palestinians, it will be put to a national referendum. But the issue immediately gained practical impetus when Habayit Hayehudi leader Naftali Bennett said he would condition his vote for the upcoming state budget on the approval of the referendum bill. With this, Bennett turned the budget and referendum bills into brothers. [Bennett calls everyone his brothers and sisters.]
Democracy by referendum is not recommended. Switzerland is proof of this. Israel is a representative democracy, which is preferable. Should we change to a referendum system? There is always the concern that if we hold a referendum once, politicians will seek to have more in the future when it suits their needs. That would be bad.
But the matter at hand is more than just another important decision. It's not about taxes. It's not about war. It's not like the reparations agreement with Germany in 1952. A peace deal is an irreversible decision, whatever the results may be, and half the nation will be left weeping inconsolably.
Judea and Samaria is the land of our forefathers, more than Sderot or Bat Yam. There isn't one Knesset member whom I'd entrust with the decision to relinquish the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron or Nablus, the biblical city of Shechem, not to mention the City of David in Jerusalem, the bedrock of our existence. I not only wouldn't put this in the hands of an MK, but it's my duty to take responsibility for the decision myself, personally, so I'll be able to look into the eyes of my children, grandchildren and future generations.
One can understand those who feel their lives would be ruined if Israel were to make a peace deal with its Palestinian cousins that was then rejected in a referendum. One can also understand those whose souls would cry out like Jeremiah in the Book of Lamentations if we were to separate from the cradle of our heritage. No matter what, the decision will hurt half the nation. But the pain will be somewhat lessened if the decision is made by the entire people in a referendum.
There are some rabbis who say that, even with a national referendum, the people don't have the authority to give up the Land of Israel. And there are leftists who will protest any decision to reject a fragile peace deal with the Palestinians. But why should a minority be able to impose its will on a majority? As a Talmudic phrase goes, "Who says your blood is redder-" A referendum is bad, but it is also the lesser evil.
The referendum bill was the most dramatic matter being discussed at the Knesset on Monday, but also the one with least current relevance. There was much news stemming from other bills, such as the fact that the size of future governments will be limited to 18 ministers and four deputy ministers and no one will be able to hold two offices at the same time.
A serious problem has also emerged. The raising of the electoral threshold won't hurt just Shaul Mofaz and Yisrael Hasson of Kadima, who will find themselves outside the Knesset. It will also threaten the Arab parties. A Knesset without the Arabs? That would be a national danger for the Jews.
טעינו? נתקן! אם מצאתם טעות בכתבה, נשמח שתשתפו אותנו