Weakening Palestinian rejectionism

Arecent pollshowed that Israelis want a tougher policy toward the Palestinians. And Palestinians, beyond ‎occasional rampaging and murdering Israelis, what do they want? ‎

Shalem College Executive Vice President Dr. Dan Polisarreviewedopinion polls taken of Palestinians in recent years, and found that they hold three main views of ‎Israel: It lacks a historical or religious justification, it is by nature aggressive, and it will soon disappear.

But ‎attitudes might be changing slightly, judging by a recent poll that suggests a growing apathy toward the priorities ‎of both the Palestinian Authority and Hamas. ‎

Conducted May 16-27 under the direction of the Washington Institute'sDavid Pollockand implemented by the ‎Palestinian Center for Public Opinion, the survey asked detailed questions of 1,540 Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and east Jerusalem. ‎

Only 12% of West Bank residents and 25% of Gazans said their priority was to "establish a Palestinian ‎state," while 49% and 40% respectively said their priority was "a good family life." (Jerusalem results are not included here.) ‎

Only 12% and 25% respectively considered relocating the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem very important. On the subject of special financial benefits paid by the PA for "martyrs," 66% and 67% respectively said the PA "should give prisoners' ‎families normal benefits, like everybody else." ‎

The Palestinians questioned in the poll appeared to be significantly more pragmatic than political in their attitudes toward Israel, with 63% and 70% respectively favoring employment opportunities within Israel, close to half seeking more employment by Israeli companies, 55% and 57% respectively approving increased direct personal contacts with Israelis, and 58% and 55% respectively liking the idea of Arab states offering both Israelis and Palestinians incentives "to take more moderate positions."

They also realized that 1948 cannot be undone, with 60% and 46% respectively agreeing with the statement ‎"Most Israeli settlers will probably stay where they are, and most Palestinian refugees will not ‎return to the 1948 lands" and 41% and 51% respectively saying they would accept extra aid "to resettle Palestinian ‎refugees in the West Bank or Gaza but not inside Israel."‎

Two replies showed that an Israeli state is far more acceptable than is the Jewish people, with 75% and 62% respectively consenting permanently to end the war with Israel and create a ‎Palestine based on the 1949 borders, but only 45% and 37% respectively agreeing to ‎"Two states for two peoples -- the Palestinian people and the Jewish people ... if it might help to ‎end to occupation."

The discrepancies between the two responses point to a deep Palestinian ‎reluctance to accept Israel as the Jewish state. Very few accept that "Jews have some rights to this land" and ‎great majorities insist that, some day, "Palestinians will control almost all of Palestine." Ritualistic denial of ‎Israel's legitimacy is standard; it is more noteworthy that such denial only partially interferes with recognizing Israel's ‎inescapable existence. ‎

Confirming this point, note the dramatic change in attitudes over just two years. Asked if two states ‎means the "end of the conflict" or whether it must continue "until all of historic Palestine is liberated," West ‎Bank residents voted 35% to 55% in favor of continued conflict, while Gazans voted 47% to 44% in favor of ‎resolution. Back in May 2015, West Bank residents voted almost as they did this year but Gazans 2-to-1 preferred continued ‎conflict, prompting Pollock to note that, in the intervening two years, "many Gazans have probably come to regret ‎the lasting damage of the disastrous 2014 war on their territory, and shifted their views in a relatively peaceful ‎direction." More proof: Asked whether Hamas should maintain its cease-fire with Israel, the 55% and 80% ‎affirmative replies point to the impact of many rounds of warfare in Gaza.‎

When it comes to Washington, "pressure on Israel to make concessions" is not the Palestinians' priority. ‎For West Bank residents, the priority is U.S. pressure on the PA to make it "more democratic and less corrupt"; for Gazans, it is ‎‎"increased economic aid." ‎

These replies suggest that some Palestinians have moved away from grand anti-Zionist ambitions and that ‎they are not imbued with an infinite spirit of resistance; they are not supermen. Like everyone else, they are ‎prone to despair, a collapse of will, and defeat. ‎

This conclusion points to the utility of an Israel victory strategy that increases the pressure on ‎Palestinians until their dictators in Ramallah and Gaza accede to this turn toward the practical. This could ‎potentially start the long process of ending the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. ‎

Daniel Pipes (DanielPipes.org, @DanielPipes) is president of the Middle East Forum.