The case of disappearing support | היום

"ישראל היום" הוא גוף תקשורת שנוסד מתוך האמונה שהציבור הישראלי ראוי לעיתונות טובה יותר, מאוזנת יותר ומדויקת יותר. עיתונות שמדברת ולא צועקת. עיתונות אמינה, אובייקטיבית ועניינית. עיתונות אחרת וללא תשלום. המהדורה המודפסת הראשונה פורסמה ב-30 ביולי 2007, וב-2010 הפך "ישראל היום" לעיתון הישראלי בעל שיעור החשיפה הגבוה ביותר בימי חול. מו"ל העיתון היא ד"ר מרים אדלסון. העורך הראשי הוא עמר לחמנוביץ, והעורך המייסד הוא עמוס רגב. אתרי האינטרנט של "ישראל היום" בעברית ובאנגלית, כמו כן היישומונים (אפליקציות) לאנדרואיד ול-iOS, מציגים חדשות מסביב לשעון, תוכן בלעדי, מבזקים ועדכונים, ניתוחים ופרשנויות, וידיאו, פודקאסטים ושידורים חיים. פלטפורמות הדיגיטל של "ישראל היום" כוללות ערוצי חדשות ודעות, תרבות ובידור, לייף סטייל, טכנולוגיה, ספורט, כלכלה וצרכנות, בריאות, חיילים, אוכל, יהדות, תיירות ורכב. ב-2021 עלו לאוויר האתר החדש והיישומון החדש של "ישראל היום" בעברית, במטרה לספק לגולשים חוויה מהירה, עדכנית, בטוחה ונוחה. תכני המהדורה המודפסת של העיתון זמינים גם באתר, במהדורה יומית מקוונת, ואפשר לקבל אותם גם בניוזלטר. מועדון ההטבות הייחודי "הקליקה של ישראל היום" מציע לגולשי האתר הנחות ומבצעים על מוצרים ושירותים. ישראל היום פתוח להערות, לביקורת ולהצעות לשיפור מקהל הקוראים. פנו אלינו במייל hayom@israelhayom.co.il.

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The case of disappearing support

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The meeting between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. President Donald Trump has opened a new chapter in the two countries' relations, suggesting closer ties than ever before, as well as the intimate coordination of positions and actions between Jerusalem and the White House.

In addition to the personal chemistry and common ideologies the two leaders shared, which are highly important in diplomatic affairs, the meeting was also successful due to the fact that Trump is independent of any of the conventions and presumptions on which Washington has based several decades of policy with regard to the core issues of the Middle East.

The meeting caused much excitement in Israel, especially in the media, over what seemed like Jerusalem shelving its commitment to the principle of the two-state solution, with Trump's blessing, all while Washington seemed to be rolling back its policy of negating the settlement enterprise as the main obstacle to the peace process.

The shift in U.S. policy is dramatic for Israel and the Palestinians both, especially since Trump has debunked, in one fell swoop, the strategy employed by the Palestinians over the past two decades -- a strategy that sought to globalize the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by using international bodies to pressure Israel into making concessions that cater solely to Palestinian interests, and which sought to dictate a solution that if rejected by Israel, would see Jerusalem subjected to diplomatic and economic sanctions and Israeli leaders prosecuted at the International Court in The Hague as war criminals.

The Palestinian strategy culminated with United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334, condemning the settlement enterprise -- a resolution adopted over the fact the Obama administration refrained from vetoing it.

But now, it is doubtful whether the Palestinians could continue on this path: Trump's determination to prevent their gambits in different international bodies can be reconciled with his general view that these bodies, the majority of which Washington generously funds, are a burden -- and at times are even hostile elements that undermine essential U.S. interests.

This is precisely why the Arab world downplayed the meeting and its results, as if Trump's new approach to regional issues had nothing to do with the Arab nations and perhaps even served their purposes. A new approach to regional issues, one that differs from that of President Barack Obama, would most likely be in line with Egypt's interests, as Cairo has had enough of the criticism Washington has leveled at it since President Mohammed Morsi's ouster, as well as with Saudi Arabia's interests, as Riyadh had demanded a tougher American stance against Iran.

The Arab world has apparently turned its back on the Palestinian issue, which nevertheless still preoccupies the Arab public and could always be used as a means to blow off the steam of criticism usually aimed at Arab regimes or the West. However, the days when Arab countries were willing to indiscriminately sacrifice their interests for the Palestinian cause are gone. Moreover, the Palestinians themselves are divided between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, and the latter is reluctant to embrace a realistic approach that could promote its interests.

In the absence of support from Arab nations, Europe has stepped up to criticize Trump's actions, as they stand to undermine the European endeavor to play any role in Middle East politics. Nevertheless, with the European Union fraying at the seams, Europe is not a significant factor.

Thus, the Palestinians must now re-evaluate their policy. Hamas has already chosen its path by electing hard-liner Yahya Sinwar, a senior member of Hamas' military wing in Gaza, as its leader in the enclave. The Palestinian Authority, on the other hand, could take its chances and resume the peace talks with Israel, as such steps have proven as the best way to move forward. However, if its leaders continue to idle, they may find the have missed their chance.

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