Obama's Saudi lesson
, עודכן
U.S. President Barack Obama visited Saudi Arabia last week for a "legacy tour." The visit looked to the future more than it did at the past, as it sought to lay the groundwork for the "Obama legacy" that the president wishes to cement before leaving the White House in less than a year.
Much of the visit was also about maintaining the image of "business as usual" between the two countries. The special relationship between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia has always been the cornerstone of U.S. policy in the Persian Gulf region, and to an extent in the Middle East as a whole, as well as an example of how the U.S. defends its allies worldwide.
Obama also sought to meet two practical goals: first, to rally Saudi support for the war against Islamic State, and second, to negotiate American military aid to the Saudis that, much as in Israel's case, would be used to end the tensions that have existed between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia since world powers signed the nuclear deal with Iran last July.
The Saudis, however, were not interested in playing ball, and to an extent they even tried to undermine Obama's efforts.
King Salman chose not to greet the American president at the airport, while Saudi media spared Obama no criticism, lashing out at his policies and wondering whether he has forgotten who his real friends are -- a not-so-subtle hint about Washington's romance with Tehran, which has come at Riyadh's expense.
Indeed, U.S.-Saudi relations are experiencing a serious slump. With the U.S. no longer dependent on Saudi oil as it used to be, it is possible Obama believes Iran is a more attractive partner with which to hammer out Middle East affairs, especially issues pertaining to the futures of Syria, Iraq, and Yemen.
This might explain Obama's criticism of the Saudis in his recent interview with The Atlantic magazine, in which he essentially blamed Saudi Arabia for stirring up tensions between Sunnis and Shiites, which all but implied Riyadh was somehow responsible for the flames engulfing the region from Iraq to Syria.
This perception is not exclusive to the Obama administration, and it has permeated Congress as well. While Obama was in Saudi Arabia, senior lawmakers continued to push an investigation to determine the involvement of Saudi officials in the 9/11 attacks.
The Saudis have threatened that should American politicians, and potentially the American legal system, pursue the issue or target Saudi assets for restitution to the victims' families, Riyadh would pull its substantial holdings from the U.S.
The Saudis are no angels, but it is hard to believe anyone in the kingdom knew, let alone encouraged, the horrific 2001 attacks. Nevertheless, it is also clear the years of massive investments in preaching Wahhabi ideology worldwide contributed greatly to the Islamic radicalization that bred al-Qaida's nefarious plan 15 years ago, and currently fuels Islamic State's rampage across the Middle East.
Still, if the Americans have come to believe Iran is the better alternative, they are in for a rude awakening. Over the years, Saudi Arabia has facilitated priceless American interests in the Middle East, and should Washington turn its back on Riyadh it would send a dangerous message to the Sunnis in the region and to U.S. allies worldwide.
One can only hope that the next U.S. administration will wise up and formulate a comprehensive Middle East policy that would meet regional challenges, as well as the needs of America's allies in the Gulf region.
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