The sweet smell of Israel's gas | היום

"ישראל היום" הוא גוף תקשורת שנוסד מתוך האמונה שהציבור הישראלי ראוי לעיתונות טובה יותר, מאוזנת יותר ומדויקת יותר. עיתונות שמדברת ולא צועקת. עיתונות אמינה, אובייקטיבית ועניינית. עיתונות אחרת וללא תשלום. המהדורה המודפסת הראשונה פורסמה ב-30 ביולי 2007, וב-2010 הפך "ישראל היום" לעיתון הישראלי בעל שיעור החשיפה הגבוה ביותר בימי חול. מו"ל העיתון היא ד"ר מרים אדלסון. העורך הראשי הוא עמר לחמנוביץ, והעורך המייסד הוא עמוס רגב. אתרי האינטרנט של "ישראל היום" בעברית ובאנגלית, כמו כן היישומונים (אפליקציות) לאנדרואיד ול-iOS, מציגים חדשות מסביב לשעון, תוכן בלעדי, מבזקים ועדכונים, ניתוחים ופרשנויות, וידיאו, פודקאסטים ושידורים חיים. פלטפורמות הדיגיטל של "ישראל היום" כוללות ערוצי חדשות ודעות, תרבות ובידור, לייף סטייל, טכנולוגיה, ספורט, כלכלה וצרכנות, בריאות, חיילים, אוכל, יהדות, תיירות ורכב. ב-2021 עלו לאוויר האתר החדש והיישומון החדש של "ישראל היום" בעברית, במטרה לספק לגולשים חוויה מהירה, עדכנית, בטוחה ונוחה. תכני המהדורה המודפסת של העיתון זמינים גם באתר, במהדורה יומית מקוונת, ואפשר לקבל אותם גם בניוזלטר. מועדון ההטבות הייחודי "הקליקה של ישראל היום" מציע לגולשי האתר הנחות ומבצעים על מוצרים ושירותים. ישראל היום פתוח להערות, לביקורת ולהצעות לשיפור מקהל הקוראים. פנו אלינו במייל hayom@israelhayom.co.il.

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The sweet smell of Israel's gas

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Israelis have been preoccupied with the natural gas framework deal for many months. There were those who saw the considerable economic benefits in it, and those who chose to see the extra shekels that wouldn't trickle into the pockets of the public. In the meantime, however, another important benefit of the framework deal has revealed itself: It is a strategic asset of the utmost importance, even fostering Israeli-Turkish rapprochement.

Over the past few years we have been constantly warned of Israel's growing isolation. And here, all of a sudden, aside from Turkey we are seeing Greece, Cyprus, Egypt and even Balkan states batting their eyelashes at Israel's natural gas reservoirs. It is a good lesson for anyone who still doesn't understand that international relations aren't struck in some world leaders' club, but rather they are shaped by pure interests between states.

In today's world, it is important to have something to sell, and it is no less important to have something extra to offer. The Saudis, in stark contrast to us, have for years -- thanks to their endless supply of oil barrels -- been courted by the West despite their export of Salafism and jihadi terrorism. Israel, with its Western values, can in all likelihood expect an easier go of it than the Saudis. In a world hungry for energy, it is a bit difficult to boycott Israel when -- beyond its technological, medical and agricultural expertise -- it also has gas to export.

Israel's problem isn't expected to be regional isolation, rather the opposite: It will be how to choose between the different suitors. Among those vying for Israel's heart -- sorry, gas -- there are historical enmities (Turkey-Greece-Cyrpus), and herein lies the challenge: how to make amends with Turkey without upsetting the others.

Russia, incidentally, whose relations with Turkey have been tense since the downing of its plane over the Turkish-Syrian border last month, should be able to appreciate Israel's rapprochement with Turkey. After all, the Russians more than anyone understand that diplomatic interests are a vital element in any economic pact. It is the very essence of Russian foreign policy. In any case, Moscow cannot grumble to Israel due to the countries' shared understandings in regards to Syria, where Russia is working to keep President Bashar Assad, Iran and Hezbollah's loyal ally, in power.

This, in a nutshell, is the essence of the new Middle East. Some dream of goodwill among nations, but in reality all we can hope for is partnerships. We will have goodwill when the messiah comes. Here we have, if you will, another lesson in realpolitik.

And now to the Israeli-Turkish story: There is no doubt that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has managed to dramatically erode Israel's longtime relationship with Turkey, bringing it to unprecedented lows. We have drifted far from the Ben-Gurion era "periphery doctrine," which called for Israel to develop close strategic alliances with non-Arab Muslim states in the region (such as Iran, Turkey, Chad and Ethiopia). Erdogan began his horror show at Davos in early 2009, bad-mouthing Israel on the stage he shared with former President Shimon Peres. The low point was the Mavi Marmara incident in May of 2010. Attempts to rehabilitate relations have been made ever since. The Turks were never in a rush and issued almost impossible demands, such as lifting the Gaza blockade.

Finalizing the natural gas framework was no easy task, nor was mending ties with Turkey. It is very possible that the former expedited the latter.

How nice it is to be an Israeli, and to suddenly be courted like Saudi Arabia.

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