Is there any reason why Hatnuah leader MK Tzipi Livni resorted to personal attacks on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu last week during the satirical show "State of the Nation" on Channel 2? There are two possible explanations: The first is that she felt she was on a roll because she and Labor leader Isaac Herzog had agreed to a rotating premiership after the elections. The second is that she was emotionally distraught, having realized that the concessions she extracted from Labor would cast her in a critical light as a chronic party-hopper. In addition, she feared that her move would disgruntle Labor MKs who had spent two years in the opposition only to see their chance at securing a safe spot in the Knesset candidate list slip away because of Livni's foreign invasion. Pressure makes people use foul language. The backlash that ensued should be seen as a yellow card -- a warning that a penalty may soon follow. If she acts properly, she can emerge unscathed. But if she stumbles again, she will be carded again. And this time, she might be sent to the locker room. That said, her pact with Herzog has breathed new life into the opposition. The Labor Convention, the official body tasked with greenlighting the joint ticket, gave Herzog a ringing endorsement. Herzog and Livni are like those benched players who are suddenly called up by their manager and told to play. They have yet to score. They haven't even touched the ball. But that hasn't stopped them from seizing an opportunity. The overwhelming support for the Herzog-Livni partnership seems counter-intuitive, as it effectively demotes all the Labor candidates. Laborites will now have less room on the joint candidate list. Despite their hard work being in vain, Labor's rank and file believe Herzog is going to run a successful campaign. By going against him now they risk hurting Labor's chances in the general elections. That is why they were willing to hold their noses and vote "Yes." If all goes as planned, they will be happy campers. But if Labor stays in the opposition despite the rotation agreement and the Hatnuah-earmarked spots, Herzog can expect discontent, having expanded the list without reaping any meaningful gains. The same holds if Labor joins the coalition but lacks any clout on the government. But at this point in the game, this is all internal score-keeping that has zero impact on the general elections. The parties are not going to emerge from their cocoon until the primary process is over. Which Labor natives were pushed aside to make room for Livni's people? Why is the Likud primary process being taken over by party apparatchiks whose back-room deals are effectively shutting out those voters who actually follow the rules? Despite these being worthy questions, they are just a side story. The real deal begins the day after the parties figure out their candidates list and revert to general elections mode.
