Better late than even later -- and after an overly lengthy and nerve-racking series of discussions, what was already known was finally decided upon -- Gadi Eizenkott is the Israel Defense Forces' next chief of staff. And while the all-too-lengthy decision-making process was unjustified, it was understood as an expression that along the seam between Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon's recommendation (of Eizenkot) and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's final agreement, the prime minister was wondering if a different type of commander couldn't be found to lead the IDF. Alas, there isn't one. Eizenkot's professional-military biography is highlighted with achievements. Whether as a young combat soldier in the Golani infantry brigade; even before he was a high-ranking officer; and as a general whose duties brought him into close contact with the political echelon, Eizenkot was always seen as a level-headed thinker who sticks to his guns. Amid the atmosphere of "cliques" that has come to grip the General Staff over the years, culminating during the tenure of former Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi, Eizenkot took his place among the Golani officers. Ashkenazi showed Eizenkot the forged letter (written by Ashkenazi confidant Lt. Col. [res.] Boaz Harpaz), intended to slander then-chief of staff candidate Maj. Gen. Yoav Galant. The investigation into this affair needed to be fully exhausted, but that is not what happened. Harpaz deserves an indictment that has yet to come, thereby nullifying the possibility of him turning state's witness one day and revealing more than he already divulged in a far-reaching document he issued in May 2012 about the conduct of the Ashkenazi clique. In the meantime, a problem arose pertaining to Eizenkot's series of testimonies to the police. The second was considerably different than the first, after his friend Dr. Gabi Simoni, the man who leaked the letter, told Eizenkot he had already provided the police with a detailed testimony. There is a problem here. There is a shadow. There are suspicions that Eizenkot was one of the bricks in the wall built by Ashkenazi. Common sense, however, lends itself to concluding that this problem will not lead to Eizenkot's disqualification. Certainly not by Attorney-General Yehuda Weinstein, who is postponing serving an indictment against Harpaz; and apparently not by the Turkel Commision, headed by retired Justice Jacob Turkel. The only threat to the appointment is a petition to the High Court of Justice and an unusual willingness by its justices to hear the case. Indeed, after all the complaints about him were voiced, Eizenkot was still offered the position of IDF chief of staff, as early as the previous round of appointments -- yet he was humble enough to decline, saying he still did not feel ready. Moreover, Ashkenazi's archrival, former Defense Minister Ehud Barak, promoted Eizenkot to the post of deputy chief of staff. If he is unqualified -- then he would never have been chosen for the position he currently holds. Under the difficult conditions that the defense establishment has found itself in recent years; when promised funds do not arrive and even a national project such as the IDF's relocation to the Negev Desert is delayed; when the IDF cuts its procurement of advanced weaponry because it lack the funds -- Eizenkot is tasked with the difficult mission of coping with the various strategic and tactical threats facing the country. He has experience. He is an independent thinker who stands his ground. With a little luck, he will also be successful. He is accompanied on his path by a general public hoping for his success.
