Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office was talking on Sunday as if the issue of war victims compensation had already been decided by the middle of July. However, that is only part of the story. In reality, the message was clear. The government was prepared to compensate residents of peripheral Gaza communities -- the right thing to do -- but the compensation was limited to just them. If not for a justified outcry from the breadwinners of Ashdod and Ashkelon, we cannot assume that Netanyahu, already on Sunday, would have laid out a plan for their compensation, two weeks from now, as well. Suspicions abound that the government never intended to compensate these residents, or that it was preparing to provide only partial compensation. But despite these suspicions being spurious, it is still unclear exactly why Netanyahu gave the initial green light to an announcement that only covered the residents of Gaza border area communities -- a message that was only belatedly rectified. Just as every wounded individual in Nahal Oz and Ashkelon or Nirim and Ashdod was able to get the most dedicated care, allowing the victim to reach the hospital, it was also necessary to make it absolutely clear, from the get-go, that there would be one blanket compensatory criteria, regardless of how far one's community was from the frontline. At best what happened was a flub, and although it was expeditiously redressed, Netanyahu should explain it. Moreover, in practice, you just need a few minutes on the computer in order to compile a full list of compensatory requests and to start making initial payments. In most cases, it will be necessary to pay out completely, and in some -- where victims receive more money than necessary -- excess compensation can be deducted from an individual's income in order to pay back the government. The delay in this case constitutes the source of outrage -- the devil's work. At the heart of the matter, Israel must locate the funding not only to cover the expenditures of Protective Edge, but also to concretize Netanyahu's version of national defense above all else. This issue will have to be reflected in the next budget. The exigencies of defense demand restocking and stepping up training, especially in the scientific-technological field. "From where does my help come-" I wouldn't know how to get my head through the mountains if we have to raise the deficit, what is also known as "losing money"; perhaps by raising taxes, as suggested by Bank of Israel Governor Karnit Flug. But let's think outside the box for a moment. Let's consider an idea that has all but vanished off the face of the earth, but which could be brought back to life given such contingent times: How about a vigorous session of Keren Hayesod -- United Israel Appeal and its branches in Israel and the Diaspora? The modern economy derides handouts, but being "an individual who donates through the heart" is a lofty Jewish ideal, and I believe this will catch on in several Diaspora communities seeking to assist Israel in this its hour of great need, particularly as anti-Semitism keeps rising worldwide. Just like that, a bold renewal, aggressive, accompanied by propaganda crying out for Jewish solidarity and a sense that this year aid to Israel is more important than ever. The people at the Prime Minister's Office and the Finance Ministry may laugh it off at first, but upon further rumination they may consider it more seriously. It is okay to tap the edges of certain budgets that others have demanded be left alone. For example, raising the number of students per classroom. I once attended class along with 51 others, two of whom went on from their to form academic careers at the Weizmann Institute and the University of Tel Aviv. Another became a medical professor and the CEO of Bank Hapoalim. There are still more, my memory is short. Israel is now at a crossroads between self-pity and rising to the occasion.
