Wanted: The right formula
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon and Chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. Benny Gantz are now between a rock and a hard place. Netanyahu and Ya'alon, the two responsible adults at the helm, are furious over the conduct of ministers who have been criticizing the government of which they are part. Some of them are doing so in good faith, others are just playing politics. No other democracy would tolerate such behavior. No other democracy would let them have it both ways.
The trio has a hard time settling on an endgame that would let Israel keep its battleground accomplishments while prompting Hamas to halt its fire. The three leaders are also in search of a path that would be compatible with the world's twisted ethical code, according to which Israel may be right but it must stop exercising its right to self-defense (this is the message coming out of the White House and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's office). Ya'alon and Netanyahu also want to pursue a policy that would meet the demands set by the Right, which has insisted on widening the scope of the operation even though the bang for the buck would be minimal.
When Israeli aircraft pounded Gaza Strip on Wednesday night, we were essentially telling Hamas political bureau chief Khaled Mashaal that we could not accept a cease-fire that allowed Hamas to target Israeli troops who were destroying tunnels. When Israel unilaterally declares a cease-fire that inevitably unravels after a few hours, this serves Israel well on the world stage, however small the dividend (usually the effect is not that great). When ministers at the Diplomatic-Security Cabinet demanded that Israel conquer more and more land in the Gaza Strip, the military presented them with a casualty estimate. This was enough to silence the ministers inside the room, but not on the airwaves.
Netanyahu, Ya'alon and Gantz want to have the cake and eat it too. They want to square the circle. It is impossible. That's why they have been working on a more complex formula that would, on the one hand maximize Israel's gains and on the other hand come across as restrained and balanced.
The gains of this campaign have been somewhat blurred by the senseless chatter about the merits of a wider operation. Some have wisely said that by not deciding on the next phase, Netanyahu and Ya'alon have put the troops at risk and that Hamas is a stubborn foe. Ya'alon and Netanyahu are fully cognizant of the risk they took by going slow, but the waiting game may have paid off, despite the dangers involved. Hamas has already dropped most of its demands.
Israel is lucky to have President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi in charge in Egypt. He has already told Mashaal that he would not be manipulated by Hamas.
Ya'alon and Netanyahu tried to prevent the march to Operation Protective Edge. In doing so, they were asleep at the wheel, as were the Israel Defense Forces. They decided it was no longer necessary to hire local residents as coordinators of security activities in the Gaza area, they redeployed troops from the Gaza communities, and they did not fully appreciate the threat posed by the tunnels -- mostly because the Defense Ministry experienced a budget shortfall. But they sobered up before it was too late. Now they will put things in order, they will make things right and introduce proper fortifications. The Gaza-area communities have been living on the edge of a volcano; they had no knowledge of the looming threats. From now on they would have to live with constant anxiety, but the actual subterranean threat will be minimal.
Operation Protective Edge has had ambitious goals, but they do not stem from hubris. The objectives should be met without any fear and without hesitation on our part. It will be time for a cease-fire in a few days. Only then will it be time to end this operation. But if Mashaal refuses, Israel should consider unilateral moves. There is nothing inherently wrong in ending things this way.
טעינו? נתקן! אם מצאתם טעות בכתבה, נשמח שתשתפו אותנו