World, meet Mansour Hassan

Egypt's Mansour Hassan is a new name we will have to get used to saying from now on. In his mid-70s, Hassan is the former information minister from the era of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. He was politically neutral during ousted President Hosni Mubarak’s reign. It is very likely that he will be the next president of Egypt.

We haven't heard or seen much of him lately. Does he identify with Sadat’s philosophy and accept the peace agreement with Israel? He had no connection to Mubarak or his government. He is accepted by both the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, and the Muslim Brotherhood. He is inconspicuous, seasoned and has little ambition. The two main power centers in Egypt today can both live with him. So he is most likely to be elected president in June.

It is no coincidence that he is chairman of the advisory council for Tantawi’s Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. The main power centers in Egypt already agree on him and that is very important. Hassan also has connections with non-Egyptian actors, such as Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati. Figureheads such as Mikati and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev might actually prove to have a helpful opinion from time to time. Perhaps they are preparing their positions at home to stand up to those who appointed them and expected them to do nothing.

But who will Hassan be? After June, will things in Egypt go back to business as usual? Will he be a brilliant orator? Will he be Egypt’s great savior against poverty, decay and constant population growth? Will he devote the winter of his life to shifting his troubled country from military authoritarian rule to civilian control and democracy, simultaneously placating the Muslim Brotherhood and military leaders, yet still avoiding doing their bidding-

Hassan’s challenge is nearly impossible. Egypt’s financial reserves are almost completely exhausted. Tourism is almost non-existent; there is massive unemployment, poverty and an unimaginable level of illiteracy. Expectations are high, however, and the masses know how easy it is to complain about a disconnected leadership that misunderstands the plight of its people. Hassan was not there when Tahrir Square filled up a year ago. He watched it on television, though, and probably liked what he saw.

Hassan’s name will likely adorn demonstrators’ banners in the coming summer. Not because he will do anything bad, but simply because he is there. Even with the best of intentions he cannot bridge the gap between what should be done and what can actually be done in just a term or two in power.

If it turns out that he is not just a symbolic leader, but rather walks in the footsteps of his patron Sadat, the world will have to help him. Sadat was once considered to be former President Gamal Abdel Nasser Hussein’s blind deputy, but later proved himself as a leader in both war and peace. Hassan will need financial assistance to fulfill such a lofty destiny. Egypt owes a lot of money to Persian Gulf states. Hassan will also need experts to help him take advantage of all the unused potential resources in Egypt and not just rely on tourism to replenish the Egyptian treasury.

Israel will have to find a way to help him while also being cautious not to impose itself too much. We must try to understand the most comfortable way to cooperate with Egypt and rebuild our relationship with the most important Arab country in the world. Egypt was the first country to sign a peace agreement with Israel; today it is reinventing itself before our very eyes.