Since Iranian President Hassan Rouhani's election, the world has been enamored by a "different Iran." Belief that Iran is performing an about-face is incredibly strong -- Rouhani did not even need to disclose his track record before Western powers signed a deal in November over Tehran's nuclear program -- especially after years of deadlock and entreaties, rather than discussions. The Iranian bazaar has shown us yet again the correct way to operate: Refuse to give up anything substantial (centrifuges, enriched uranium, ongoing research, etc.), and get relaxed sanctions and an abrogated military option in return. On Tuesday, millions of Iranians commemorated the 35th anniversary of the Islamic revolution. Yet, the "different Iran" is still shockingly singing the same chorus it has since 1979. "Death to Israel" and "Death to America" continue to guide demonstrations. The Satan stays the same in the Rouhani era, both the big and the little. "The military option against Iran is a delusion ... the military option against Iran is not sitting on any table, anywhere in the world," said Rouhani on Tuesday, promising unwavering Iranian perseverance over the nuclear program. At almost precisely the same moment at a closed forum in Tel Aviv, former Mossad chief Meir Dagan proclaimed his opposition to an attack on Iran. He explained that he himself, the IDF chief of general staff and the Israeli atomic agency director rejected state policy on the matter. Dagan explained that he thought there were certain measures the prime minister wanted to take that could have led Israel to war. He said his loyalty was not to the prime minister, but the State of Israel. Until Dagan's statement (and the former Mossad chief has a lot of credibility), I have to admit that I was unaware the two were embroiled in conflicting views. Dagan needs to be reminded that while he indeed stood at the helm of the Mossad, the prime minister by virtue of his capacity is a central institution ("mossad" in Hebrew) in our democracy. Consider a situation where the GOC Northern Command is not loyal to the IDF chief of staff but the State of Israel. According to Dagan, the northern commander can disobey his commanding officer in favor of the state -- and to hell with the democratic elections. Dagan also expounded on his belief that attacking Iran should be discussed not only behind closed doors at the Prime Minister's Office, but by the "Israeli public." Yet, in 1981 -- or so I recall -- the mayor of Gedera, the school principal at the Hadera ORT, or the owners of that Tel Aviv falafel shop did not engage in the discussion over the imminent (and secret) air force strike against the Iraqi nuclear reactor. In 2007, I don't recall that "professional forum" congregating to debate the strike against the nuclear reactor in Syria, which has been attributed to Israel by several foreign media outlets. But Netanyahu wasn't prime minister then. Friends, it must be understood that everything here is personal. Dagan is also mistaken and misleading when he explains that, because Israel has made a lot of noise, we have effectively created the impression that the Iranian problem is Israel's problem. One of the Israeli government's greatest achievements, including the Netanyahu administration, was uniting the international community in the struggle against a nuclear Iran. Dagan indeed confessed that he believes Iran wants a nuclear bomb. To stave off that development -- and also to prevent a military strike -- Israel should have backed efforts to deter Tehran, rather than contributing to a situation where the international community is more fearful of an Israeli attack than a nuclear Iran. Dagan admired former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, of blessed memory. The former Mossad chief, therefore, probably was not too enthused when Prime Minister Menachem Begin said there were "tanks around the prime minister's office," referring to Sharon as then-defense minister. But Dagan's lack of trust in the premiership is awfully reminiscent of that Begin analogy.
