The moment U.S. President Donald Trump entered the White House signaled a dramatic shift in terms of the path American power would take, and the domestic and international objectives it would work to promote without delay. The temporary ban on citizens of seven Muslim states from entering the United States, alongside more stringent background checks of U.S. visa applicants; the moves to loosen financial regulations; the decision to begin building the wall along the border with Mexico, while demanding the Mexican government pay for the project; the executive order instructing the expedition of high-priority energy and infrastructure projects and the move to impose new sanctions on senior officials in the Iranian government -- these are only some of the elements of the new administration's agenda, which seem polar opposite to that of his predecessor. But for all his enthusiasm for making good on his campaign promises as soon as possible, and establishing a new American and world order, Trump has encountered fierce opposition from the epicenters of power in America, and in particular the judiciary, which has forced the White House to freeze the implementation of the executive order concerning the travel ban. Trump's contrarian and acrimonious style, vastly different from the traditional diplomatic dialogue that prefers to downplay differences of opinion with euphemisms, led to frictions with the U.S.'s partners and friends, such as Mexico and Australia, as well as with enemies such as Iran. And yet, despite all the background noise accompanying the early days of the Trump era, and in spite of the echoing coverage of every blunder and oversight, one must remember that this these first days are something of an internship, in which trial and error are unavoidable. Moreover, even graduates of the political system, who have taken on the most sought-after role after accumulating years of experience as vice presidents, governors or members of Congress, were no less prone to similar missteps in their first 100 days as president. Indeed, for quite a few of them, these were the days riddled with crises. For example, mere months after taking office, then-President John F. Kennedy launched what would be the failed invasion of Cuba's Bay of Pigs on April 17, 1961, an invasion planned by the CIA and Cuban exiles. Former President Bill Clinton also failed miserably when, on the night of April 19, 1993, at the close of the 100th day of his period of grace, he authorized an FBI raid on the Branch Davidian compound in Waco, Texas, where David Koresh and the members of his cult were holed up. The massive raid -- devoid of either improvisation or operational sophistication -- resulted in the deaths of no fewer than 76 people, including children. Against this background, and in light of the hazardous first chapters in the history of the new administration, the question is whether "all the president's men" have learned the necessary lessons from these failures. As far as Kennedy and Clinton were concerned, conclusions were in fact drawn and the crises they respectively faced -- the Cuban Missile Crisis and the crisis in Bosnia and Serbia -- were for the most part cautiously managed. In the event that the current president experiences a similar process, the "tuition" he will be forced to pay for his confrontation with the judiciary will be a blessing in disguise. Out of the current crisis will emerge a greater awareness on Trump's part of the constraints and limitations that permanently separate the initial vision from the rebellious reality.
Trump's internship
מערכת ישראל היום
מערכת "ישראל היום“ מפיקה ומעדכנת תכנים חדשותיים, מבזקים ופרשנויות לאורך כל שעות היממה. התוכן נערך בקפדנות, נבדק עובדתית ומוגש לציבור מתוך האמונה שהקוראים ראויים לעיתונות טובה יותר - אמינה, אובייקטיבית ועניינית.
