With impeccable timing that can seemingly only be arranged by some higher power, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency announced that Iran's nuclear program was progressing speedily, despite economic sanctions. Almost simultaneously the voting stations closed in Iran, and a new genie emerged from behind Iran's quasi-democratic smokescreen -- bearded, wearing Western-style glasses and armed with a doctorate from Glasgow University -- Hassan Fereidoun Rohani.
The grotesque elections were preceded by a vetting process that included the disqualification of candidates deemed unsuitable by the supreme leader. The process culminated with Rohani's victory over the remaining candidates, who resembled one another as if cloned in Ali Khamenei's laboratory.
The elections in Iran were, from Khamenei's perspective, akin to rolling a dice with the same number engraved on all sides. The differences between the candidates are only on the surface, in their rhetoric and maybe even in their names. Indeed, the name "Rohani" conveys a spiritual atmosphere of optimism and psychedelic tranquility. There's still time; there is still no bomb. Everything is okay.
But let us not be mistaken: Even before the Islamic revolution Rohani was a Khomeini supporter; his loyalty costing him his freedom during the rule of the shah. Since that time Rohani has consistently proved his loyalty to the ayatollahs' agenda. He served in key security positions in Iran's defense establishment and as Khamenei's personal envoy as secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council. Within this framework Rohani also represented Iran in negotiations with the West over its nuclear program, and even exhibited a pragmatic approach to uranium enrichment.
Rohani's opening declarations upon his election victory included the assertion that "we won't stop uranium enrichment, and the only way to move forward is through dialogue." He said improving relations with the international community, with Arab states but especially with Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf states, was a top priority. Iran's new president transmitted "moderation," but stressed the legality of the Syrian regime, which he said must be negotiated with, and pointed to Iran's economy as another central issue.
Up to this point we've received plenty of optimism and sentiments of spiritual reconciliation. In actuality, there are no signs that the militant agenda chosen by Shiite Iran and the Khamenei leadership will change. This agenda is a combination of the Shiite vision of supremacy over the entire Muslim world, within the nationalistic framework of the ancient Persian Empire.
The West will continue to wonder whether Rohani's victory is enough to bring an about face to an Iranian agenda guided by Khamenei's divinity. Will Iran suddenly abandon its aim of strengthening its strategic northern Shiite axis (with Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Syrian regime)? Will Iran cease its efforts along its southern strategic axis, which includes fueling and propelling revolution and terrorism in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Egypt and Africa, and abandon their plan of controlling the Persian Gulf under the cover of the nuclear weapons stored in its warehouses?
Iran is clearly feeling the reverberations from the exploding religious war between Sunnis and Shiites. Sunni Islamic scholars have already declared a jihad against the Iranian coalition in Syria. Rohani has likely heard this news. It's possible that a placated Barack Obama still has not.
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