In the age of handwritten letters that preceded electronic mail, Benny Begin would sign each of his letters with a footnote saying he was a "member of the 12th Knesset," or the 13th, or the 14th, according to whatever was relevant at the time. Now, too, he occasionally adds that he is a "minister in the 32nd government" alongside his signature. He doesn't do this by chance. As the holder of a doctorate in geology, he has always believed that the transition from one governing body to the next should not be taken for granted. He feels that serving in successive administrations should not be a given, with resignations from government being considered irregular. On the contrary, every election campaign should be a time for introspection, for reflecting on whether to run for office. This is happening again now. Begin, who turns 70 in March, is weighing his options. In actuality, he had hoped that the Knesset would complete its full term, and that he could retire before it did. But the Knesset disbanded a year early and now he needs to reconsider. At a time when even the former editor of Haaretz, David Landau, publishes an outrageous opinion piece titled "Run, Olmert, run," it is especially vital to encourage Begin to do the same. The Likud has many colors. The faction comprises 27 Knesset members, some better than others. There are those who insist on maintaining worthy principles, and those who are less insistent. Among the group preserving the Likud's liberal ideals, which can be traced back to the party's founding fathers Ze'ev Jabotinsky and Menachem Begin, three stand out (although they are not alone). They were raised from birth on the link between liberalism and nationalism. There is no question the country's largest political bloc needs them to stay. Two of the three have already decided to continue: Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin and Intelligence and Atomic Energy Minister Dan Meridor. Begin, the third side of the triangle, is wavering. When voices from within the Likud and its coalition parties call for measures that threaten the rule of law, in any number of ways, their presence is especially crucial. Even during the current Knesset term, which ends in January, the trio Meridor and Begin in the cabinet and Rivlin in the Knesset have already managed to block a number of dangerous initiatives. There is reason for concern that they will be needed for the same purpose in the next Knesset as well. Begin's situation is particularly fascinating. He is loyal to the "Greater Israel" principle, but also to the rule of law, and he is torn between his sympathy for the settlers in Migron and the country's duty to evict them from land that isn't theirs. The integrity of his conduct, based on his own conscience, is a shining example in a time when politics is dominated by cynicism. A politician is not tested when, for example, Shas minister Eli Yishai acts to rid the country of African infiltrators, but when he and his colleagues avoid honestly examining the draft-dodging epidemic prevalent among their constituency; a politician is not tested when Labor leader Shelly Yachimovich raises the social justice flag, but when, and to what degree, she publicly condemns the disgraceful corruption in the Israel Electric Corporation's labor union committees. Even Tzipi Livni, whose integrity in Kadima has always stood out, and who took part in two separate efforts to convince former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to resign from office over corruption charges, must now decide whether she wants to run together with Olmert for the next Knesset, if he brazenly decides to get back into the game. Let us hold out hope that the rumors that she has agreed to take the number two position on Olmert's potential Knesset list are false. Begin passed the test during the Migron evacuation, and he will pay the price in the primaries. Either way, to preserve the Likud's liberal bloc, which has already dwindled, Begin must join Rivlin and Meridor and run for office. The time is short and much still needs to be done. Run, Benny, run.