What would Ataturk say about Erdogan?
Like all world leaders, even the Turkish prime minister was surprised by the Arab Spring. Recep Tayyip Erdogan didn't know how to respond to the wave of protests that erupted in December in Tunisia and led to the ouster of President Ben Ali. But Erdogan quickly understood which way the wind was blowing. He changed course and, at an early stage in the protests in Egypt, urged President Hosni Mubarak to leave. He also called on his commercial partner , Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi, to go, and even abandoned his "brother", Syrian President Bashar Assad. Erdogan the opportunist not only knows how to swim with the current, but also how to influence its strength, as befits the leader of a regional power. Sorry, world power.
Erdogan contains all the components that, today, are transforming him into the darling of the Arab world. He confronted Israel's president at the World Economic Forum in Davos in 2009; he organized the flotilla to Gaza last year; he opposed joining the U.S.-led coalition in the Iraq War in 2003; and he led an Islamic country to impressive economic growth (8.9 percent in 2010), ranked 16th among global economies. As the leader of the only Muslim member nation of NATO, he didn't hesitate to change the direction of Turkish foreign policy at the expense of his relations with the West, and with Israel in particular. Erdogan proved to the Arab street that a Muslim political party could become integrated in a Muslim country that is moderate by definition, and even subordinate the army. But he mainly proved, as far as the Arab street is concerned, that there is a model that can be called a Muslim democracy, and that this model is alive and kicking in Turkey (even if it is a problematic democratic model that is limited from a Western viewpoint).
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It's no surprise that Erdogan can smile his way into the history books as the man who made Turkey a potential candidate for the regional leadership of Arab states, as it was several hundred years ago during the Ottoman Empire. Regardless of the outcome of the election, Erdogan has already done his part.
In 2003, when Erdogan entered office, he didn't believe that within less than a decade Turkey would present the world with such impressive data: At a time when the U.S. and other Western European countries are being crushed by the burden of their external debt, Turkey is anticipated to repay its debt to theInternational Monetary Fund by 2013. "Athens is crying, Ankara is laughing," wrote the French weekly news magazine L'Express.
Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) could not have dreamed about such a scenario,and it's hard to believe they thought about harvesting theirfruits so quickly. But Erdogan's opportunism has succeeded.After theEuropeanUnion hesitatedin welcoming Turkey, Erdogan turned his face to the east. He improved his relations with the Arab world, reconciled with Syria, and even tightened Turkey's relations with one of the biggest rivals, Iran. Erdogan's Turkey, which advocates a policy of zero conflict ("Peace at home and peace abroad") took a sophisticated approach toward Iran, drawing it Iran closer with the intention of neutralizing it.
And now, as was previously mentioned, in light of the protests sweeping the Arab street, Erdogan has abandoned his regional contemporaries in favor of the street and the leaders of tomorrow. Erdogan also has all of the options for the day after tomorrow up his sleeve. Will there be democracy? His Turkey is democratic. Will there be Islamic rule? His party is Islamic. Will the government survive? Turkey is too powerful and cannot be ignored. He has a response to every option.
Erdogan is proud of his Turkish model. Turkey, which for years had been a source of suspicion for the Arab street, has turned into a role model. The Turkish model proposes a Muslim democracy, and this Muslim democracy is enticing even for those who threaten the revolutionary Arab youth, including the Muslim Brotherhood and similar movements. Take, for example, Rachid Ghannounchi, the Islamic leader who recently returned to Tunisia after the revolution there. He is touting the Turkish model for his country. And Turkish religious leaders also recently sponsored a meeting of Islamic Front leaders from Dusseldorf, Germany, in Algeria.
Despite the vast differences between them, in light of the situation in Turkey today, one could say that the reformist founder of modern Turkeyr, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, would have been proud of Erdogan - with the exception of the religious elements in his personality and political party.
טעינו? נתקן! אם מצאתם טעות בכתבה, נשמח שתשתפו אותנובועז ביסמוט
כיהן כעורך הראשי של "ישראל היום" מ-2017 ועד ינואר 2022. החל את דרכו העיתונאית ב-1983 בעיתון מעריב ככתב ספורט, ובתפקידי כתיבה ועריכה במדור הכלכלה. בהמשך שימש שליח מעריב בפריז. בשנים 2004-1990 היה שליח ידיעות אחרונות בפריז. ב-2008 הצטרף ל"ישראל היום", ושימש עורך חדשות החוץ ופרשן. במהלך השנים דיווח ממדינות רבות שעימן אין לישראל יחסים דיפלומטיים, ובהן איראן, סוריה, תוניסיה, לוב, תימן ועיראק. ב-1993 ביקר ברפובליקה האסלאמית של איראן, והיה לעיתונאי הישראלי הראשון שביקר במדינה מאז ההפיכה ב-1979. במהלך ביקורו בעיראק ב-2003, נעצר על ידי הכוחות האמריקניים בחשד לריגול, והוא הוחזק במעצר. כיהן כשגריר ישראל במאוריטניה בשנים 2008-2004. ב-2012 יצא ספרו "עובר כל גבול", העוסק בביקוריו במדינות מוסלמיות ובמפגשיו עם מנהיגיהן. בעל שני תוארי מוסמך מאוניברסיטת סורבון שבפריז. נשוי בשלישית ואב לארבעה. אוהד שרוף של ליברפול.