Saturday's event underlies the unfathomable, almost surreal reality, that exists in Israel. One million Israelis had to cram into shelters and protected spaces from Gan Yavne all the way to Beersheba. The protection the state affords them is constantly improving, but the production of Iron Dome anti-rocket defense systems will actually slow down not accelerate in the wake of a NIS 3 billion spending cut at the Defense Ministry. Cutting the defense budget is one of the stated goals of the social justice protests that swept across Israel over the summer and was accepted as part of the Trajtenberg report's economic reforms package. The government is set to adopt another one of its tenets on Sunday when it convenes for its weekly cabinet meeting, this time in Safed. According to police estimates, only 20,000 people showed up at Rabin Square for Saturday's "class reunion" for the social justice protesters. While still a substantial amount, if fell short of what organizers had hoped for. The two separate events the protest and the rockets are related, even if their connection is not obvious at first glance. In both cases, people have opted for wishful thinking instead of engaging in a cold analysis of the facts. From the moment Gilad Shalit stepped on Israeli soil, some pundits and experts have blabbed on ad nauseam about how Hamas might be undergoing a transformation. The Hamas leadership, they say, is maturing and growing more responsible and could even become a partner for negotiations in the future. Hamas can indeed exercise its control over the Gaza Strip, as was evident by the lull in rocket fire it enforced in the days leading up to Shalit's return. Once the deal was completed, halting rocket fire no longer served its interests, and it became less effective in curtailing the activities of radical splinter groups. Three Grad rockets were fired last week. On Saturday the Israel Air Force had no choice but to attack would-be rocket launchers. This triggered a barrage of dozens of rockets on towns in the western Negev. All the rosy predictions have now been thrown out the window. The same applies to the social justice movement. The protest leaders thought hundreds of thousands would take to the streets, even though the government has been catering to their demands. The government, meanwhile, needs the protesters' help in fending off powerful interests who seek to torpedo the Trajtenberg Committee's socio-economic reforms. The government intends to adopt some of the committee's additional recommendations at its rare meeting in Safed, but its actions continue to be frowned upon by social protest leader Daphni Leef and her cohorts. There are two options for resolving the crisis that have driven a wedge between the government and the people. We can keep the current structure but add some tweaks to it by implementing the Trajtenberg report in a way that satisfies both sides. This would be a temporary fix for what currently ails our state before we move ahead with structural reforms. Alternately, the two sides can opt for a divorce and allow the talks to unravel. The protest leaders seem to have opted for the latter option. The protest movement's back-room dealers have made it clear they are filing for divorce. They seek the government's downfall, not its outstretched hand. With a million Israelis in shelters, Saturday's demonstration was out of place. Now is not the time.
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